Raw
Genocide
LIKE IN RAMA
In faraway Rama,
A lone voice was heard.
Mother Rachel, heart-broken,
Bitterly bewailing her children
Who were no more.
Here at home
In Asaba,
In Owerri;
In Ameke-Item.
Here in the Land of the
Rising Sun,
The sun suddenly set at noon,
Eclipsed by a screen of blood;
Mournful voices of many mothers
Bitterly bemoan and grieve
Their children and men
Slain by the savage swords
Of the uncircumcised.
After
the 1966 series of ruthless massacre of Easterners, mainly the Igbo, in the
North, we were left in no doubt about the limitless depth of bestiality which
our traducer compatriots were operating from. Everywhere the Nigerian troops
and mobs invaded, they left streams of blood on their trail. Their aim was to
decimate the Igbo population.
In their trademark bloodthirsty
savagery, as reported by the Washington Morning Post of September 27, 1967,
they embarked on a house-to-house search during which they murdered over 500
Igbo civilians. The New York Review of December 21, 1967 also wrote:
‘In some areas outside the East…Ibos were
killed by local people with at least the acquiescence of the federal
forces…1000 Igbo civilians perished in Benin in this way.’
Giwa
Amu, a former Solicitor General of the defunct Mid-West region, was quoted in
the Sunday Observer of March 16, 1983 as having lamented thus:
‘Benin was the capital of the Mid-Western
region with a high concentration of Asaba born technocrats, bureaucrats, and
professionals who met their untimely end at the hands of federal troops and
other accomplices…For record purposes,
however, let me state fearlessly that I saw hundreds of unarmed civilians being
shot at sight when Federal troops arrived to liberate the city…There
appeared a fleeting period of lunacy in which Mid-westerners gladly identified Asaba people to be shot down by
federal troops on the so called liberation day in Benin…It was the first Black on Black genocide in
post-independence Africa.’
From
Warri, Sapele and Agbor, gory tales of brazen acts of mass murder emerged, of
how federal troops killed or stood by while mobs killed more than 5000 Ibos…
(New York Times, January 10, 1968).
When
Nigerian soldiers swept their way into Asaba and firmly seized the city, at the
command of Murtala Mohamed who was later replaced by Ibrahim Haruna, the troops
herded in all the men and boys they could find—all of them unarmed and
defenceless. And in a most atrocious manner, brutally slaughtered about seven
hundred in one fell swoop.
The
London Observer of January 21, 1968, reported this heinous mass murder thus:
‘The
greatest single massacre occurred in the Ibo town of Asaba where seven hundred
Ibo male were lined up and shot dead.’
Monsignor
Georges, a special emissary of His Holiness, Pope Paul VI, to Asaba, on an on-the-spot
assessment of the reality on ground, cried in alarm as he spoke to the French
Newspaper, Le monde, on the 5th of April, 1968:
‘There
has been genocide, for example on the occasion of the 1966 massacres…Two areas
have suffered badly…First, the regions between the town of Benin and Asaba
where only widows and orphans remain, Federal troops having for unknown reasons
massacred all the men. According to eyewitnesses of that massacre, the Nigerian
commander ordered the execution of every Igbo male over the age of ten years.’
Just
as in Asaba, Ibrahim Haruna, with even more vehemence, went on to lead the
Nigerian mission of ethnic cleansing to Owerri and Ameke-Item. His lust for blood was insatiable.
Other
Nigerian commanders followed suit, after they observed the tolerance of the
Nigeria Military high command for such heinous acts. Their appetite for blood
was thoroughly stirred. Each one of them tried to outdo the other in acts of
atrocious brutality. Chief among them was Colonel Benjamin Adekunle, who was
commanding the Division 3 of the Nigerian Army that invaded the city of Port
Harcourt, raping, looting and indulging in all forms of war crimes against the
civilian population.
Having
succeeded in overrunning Port Harcourt on the 12th of May, 1968, after
weeks of air, land and sea bombardment, Adekunle and his troops pressed on past
the Imo River towards the commercial city of Aba. Biafran forces put up a
highly spirited defence. However, the superior fire power of the Nigerian side
decisively swayed the battle in Nigeria’s favour.
The
horrendous massacre of more than two thousand Biafran civilians by Nigerian
troops as they entered Aba, so alarmed the French Press Agency reporter, Susan
Masid, who stated in her accounts of the Aba massacres as follows:
‘Young Ibos, with terrifying eyes and
trembling lips told journalists in Aba that in the villages, Nigerian troops
came from behind, shooting and firing everywhere, shooting everybody who was
running, firing into the homes.’
Adekunle
later gave verbal vent to his brutish, sadist personality, when he made that
abhorrent, extremely wicked statement in which he referred to food aid for the
starving children of Biafra as a ‘misguided
humanitarian rubbish…’
Still
wallowing in his infamy, Benjamin Adekunle also uttered a horrifying
proclamation to the international media, and was quoted accordingly by the West
German magazine, ‘Stern’:
‘I
want to see no Red Cross, no Caritas; no World Council of Churches, no Pope, no
missionary and no UN delegation. I want to prevent even one Igbo from having
even one piece to eat before their capitulation. We shoot at everything that
moves and when our troops march into the centre of Igbo territory, we shoot at
everything even at things that do not move…’
This
barbaric pronouncement seriously rankled the international community. The West
German government therefore decried Adekunle’s savagery and sent a vehement
protest to the Nigerian government on August 19, 1968.
At
Owaza and Ozuaka, 2,000 and 300 persons were respectively massacred by Nigerian
soldiers who crossed the Imo River. On the same day, 17th August
1968, Nigerian troops also indiscriminately shot at inmates of some refugee
camps at Awka, killing 375 of them.
The
New York Times of January 18, 1968 reported that when Nigerian troops captured
the ancient city of Calabar, they deliberately and meticulously sought out the
Igbo dwelling therein, massacring about two thousand, in a hideous bid to
annihilate the Igbo in Calabar.
When
Nigerian troops entered Ikot-Ekpene, an eight-year-old orphan, Emmanuel Effiong
narrated how his parents were forcefully carried away to an undisclosed
location. He was lucky to escape into the bush with some other orphans, where
they hid themselves until their rescue by Biafran troops after the town was rid
of Nigerian soldiers.
Nigerian
troops, on entry into Ikot-Ekpene sought out and massacred everything that had
breath. None was spared—neither man, woman, nor children. This was the
testimony of a seventy year old lady witness, Madam Okure, who saw the Nigerian
troops tie up and shoot to death one of her children. Her other children were
also murdered by the same troops. This report was corroborated by Professor
Heely, an Irish priest and an eye-witness, in his narrative to the French News
Agency.
The
murder of many Biafran civilians at Ogwe near Aba, on the 27th
August, 1968, by one Lieutenant Macaulay Lamurde, a Nigerian army officer, was
witnessed by British Television crew members. Although Lieutenant Macaulay was
later executed by Brigadier Adekunle, it was really not for the murder of
Biafran civilians, but for the personal grouse Adekunle had against him.
Forty
seven men from Afia-mmanya in Udi, for their blunt resistance to be coerced
into putting together and spearheading a sham demonstration endorsing ‘One
Nigeria’, were arraigned and brutally executed at the Afo-agu market, by
Nigerian troops, on September 10, 1968.
The
towns of Oji River, Okigwe and Uyo were not spared the horrifying violent
expressions of Nigerian soldiers’ base passion for blood revelry. In these
places, Nigerian troops went on rampage, killing many civilians including
nurses and the sick in health facilities.
Earlier,
on 14th August, 1968, a series of indiscriminate heavy bombardment
of the civilian population of some villages in Ukwa, with heavy death tolls, as
well as Nigeria’s incessant attacks on Red Cross planes on mercy missions,
elicited a pronouncement by a spokesperson of the West German Parliamentary
Committee on Overseas Aid and Development, that further cordial relations with
Nigeria by West Germany would no longer be condoned, for Nigeria’s brazen
disregard of the most basic laws of propriety and morality.
Despite
this face-off with the West German parliament, arising from Nigeria’s
unrelenting attacks on Red Cross planes, Obasanjo who took over from Adekunle,
on assuming command of the 3rd Marine Commando Division, ordered the
Nigerian Airforce to shoot down any Red Cross planes ferrying food and medicine
into Biafra. This directive was immediately carried out, and Obasanjo gleefully
made revelry of it. As the international
furore raised by this dastardly act raged, Obasanjo casually requested the
British Prime Minister, Harold Wilson, to handle it.
Nigeria,
strongly backed by the British government of Harold Wilson, besieged Biafra on
land, air and sea. Her foot soldiers visited Biafra with the most hideous atrocious
acts of bestiality. They gave us no respite from the air, as their Russian
fighter/bomber planes manned by Egyptian pilots daily rained bombs on us;
strafed our homes, places of worship, markets, medical facilities, refugee
camps and relief centres.
In
a February 1968 BBC interview broadcast, Bruce Loudon narrated the experience
of Dr. Philip, a medical doctor at the Itu Joint Hospital, established several
decades earlier by the Presbyterian Church—how despite the bold Red Cross
insignia painted conspicuously on the roof top, Nigerian fighter-bombers
severely bombed and strafed the hospital; reducing it to rubble, leaving many
patients dead, and many more grievously wounded.
With
the mounting enormous civilian casualties and indisputable evidences of the
indiscriminate bombing of the civilian population of Biafra, Joseph Palmer, the
Assistant Secretary of State for African affairs in the Nixon administration,
demanded from Nigeria’s Information Minister, Anthony Enahoro, why markets in
Biafra were constantly being targeted and bombed by Nigerian war planes.
Anthony Enahoro’s response reflected his inner personality—a man with a callous
indifference to the sufferings of others—an emotionally hardened person with a
calcified conscience. Hear him:
“If food was so scarce in Biafra…why were
Biafra’s market places so crowded?”
Anthony
Enahoro was also quoted in the Daily Mirror, London of June 13, 1968:
“There are various ways of fighting a war.
You might starve your enemy into submission or you might kill him in the battle
field.”
Yakubu
Gowon, in his interview with Tom Burns in the Tablet, London, on December 7,
1968, stated:
“Food is the means to resistance. It is
ammunition in this sense and the mercy flights into rebel territory are looked
upon as tantamount to gun running.”
Hassan
Katsina would not be outdone in Nigeria’s leaders’ avowed campaign of
extermination by starvation against Biafra. He belched:
“Personally, I would not feed somebody I am
fighting.” Times, London.
June 28, 1969.
Sadly,
the deepest cut on Biafra was delivered by Pa Awolowo when he made that
unforgettable utterance reported in the Financial Times, London, June 26, 1969,
and Daily Telegraph, London. June 27, 1969:
“All is fair in war, and starvation is one
of the weapons of war. I do not see why we should feed our enemies fat in order
for them to fight us harder.”
The
litany of proven and corroborated evidences of genocidal acts by Nigeria’s
leadership, soldiers and their civilian counterparts is inexhaustible. All of
Nigeria’s leaders were unanimous in their resolve to annihilate Biafrans
through any possible means, no matter how vile.
The British government of Prime Minister
Harold Wilson was intent on utterly destroying the fledgling Republic of
Biafra, even if it meant the total extermination of her peoples, not only for
the purposes of protecting their criminally and fraudulently acquired vast
British commercial interests in the Niger area, but also to ensure that no
nation of the British Commonwealth Africa will ever emerge to become less
dependent on them, especially in the areas of science, technology and economy, such
that they could threaten her economic interests in Nigeria. David Hunt, the
British High Commissioner to Nigeria, from 1969 to 1971, in his confidential
report on Nigeria, warned:
‘I have already said, and the Ibos in
particular are too intelligent…’
It
is sad that the British do not understand that the Igbo would rather form a
strategic symbiotic alliance with them, providing them with unlimited
worthwhile services beyond the provision of mere material resources which could
be easily rendered redundant and irrelevant by fast, constantly evolving science
and technology. The Igbo would never be a parasitic leech nor a liability to
them.
The
British Prime Minister Harold Wilson, brutish, without an atom of compassion, remorselessly
ejaculated his genocidal intention towards Biafra and her people, particularly
the Igbo, when he told the United States of America’s State Department
coordinator for relief to Biafra, Clyde Ferguson:
“…If a million Ibos had to die to preserve
the unity of Nigeria, well, that was not a price too high to pay.” (Dan Jacobs: Brutality of Nations)
How
sardonic Mr Harold Wilson’s smile of malicious pleasure must have been, as he
gloated the ignoble feat of Gowon, his ‘protégé’, who had more than surpassed
his expectations. Gowon and Nigeria had succeeded in exterminating not just one
million, but well over 3million Biafran children and nursing mothers!
As
the Nigeria - Biafra war raged, Harold Wilson kept supplying Nigeria with the
most sophisticated, lethal arms and ammunition, while occasionally, he would
let in Bibles and second hand clothing materials to Biafra. What a tragic
irony!
Prime
Minister Harold Wilson of Britain, had earlier found a partner in the person of
President Lyndon Johnson, the US President, who showed no iota of empathy for
the starving, severely malnourished, wasting children of Biafra. When in 1968,
a telecast of the sorry state of those unfortunate children of Biafra abandoned
by humanity was brought to the awareness of President Lyndon Johnson, he
blurted out that sad racist retort:
I don’t care what you do. Just get those nigger babies off my TV screen.
It
must be stated however, that, although the Lyndon Johnson government of the
United States of America had no empathy for Biafra, the subsequent US president
immediately after Lyndon Johnson, Richard Nixon, was visibly worried at the
enormity of atrocious criminality unleashed on Biafra and her citizens by
Nigeria. Despite the hindrances put in his way by some elements in his
government who, for the sake of America’s alliance with Britain, thwarted his
plans to assist Biafra, Nixon still vehemently voiced out his personal concerns
on Biafra thus:
‘Until now, efforts to relieve the Biafran
people have been thwarted by the desire of the central government of Nigeria to
pursue total and unconditional victory and by the fear of the Igbo people that
surrender means wholesale atrocities and genocide. But genocide is what is taking place now – and starvation is the grim
reaper. This is not the time to stand on ceremony, or to ‘go through
channels’ or to observe the diplomatic niceties. The destruction of an entire
people is an immoral objective even in the most moral of wars. It can never be
justified; it can never be condoned.’
The
renowned American historian, Arthur M. Schlesinger, a social critic, and one
with a specialist knowledge of international politics averred that:
‘The
terrible tragedy of the people of Biafra has now assumed catastrophic
dimensions. Starvation is daily claiming the lives of an estimated 6000 Igbo
tribesmen, most of them children. If adequate food is not
delivered to the people in the immediate future, hundreds of thousands of human
beings will die of hunger.’
In
January 1969, at Umuahia, Frederick Forsyth captured a lurid detail which the
starvation havoc Nigeria inflicted on Biafra, wreaked on the vulnerable
civilian population of Biafra, thus:
“…about 700,000 haggard bundles of human
flotsam waiting hopelessly for a meal outside the camps…was the reminder of an
estimated four and a half to five million displaced persons…the kwashiorkor
scourge…a million and half children…suffer(d) from it during January; that put
the forecast death toll at another 300,000 children…More than the pogroms of
1966, more than the war casualties, more than the terror bombings, it was the experience of watching
helplessly their children waste away and die that gave birth to… a deep and
unrelenting loathing…It is a feeling that will one day reap a bitter harvest
unless…”
Americans
for Biafran Relief (ABR), in the New York Times of 10th July, 1969,
brought to the notice of the world, the hitherto unthinkable dimensions
perpetrators of genocide against Biafra had descended to. They lamented that:
“The
war in Biafra has brought out a ‘sophisticated’ aspect of human nature that
must make God sick…This ‘noble’ war has killed more children than soldiers.”
The
emphatic statement made by Baroness Asquith, the Lady Helen Violet Bonham
Carter in the British House of Lords, remains a veritable testimony to the
horrendous criminality perpetrated against Biafra by Nigeria:
“Thanks
to the miracle of television. We see history happening before our eyes. We see
no Igbo propaganda; we see the facts.”
After
a detailed journalistic investigation on the dreadful criminal acts being
perpetrated against Biafra by Nigeria, the July 2, 1969 Washington Post
editorial lamented:
“One
word now describes the policy of the Nigerian military government towards
secessionist Biafra: genocide. It is ugly and extreme but it is the only
word which fits Nigeria’s decision to stop the International Committee of the
Red Cross, and other relief agencies, from flying food to Biafra…”
Conservatively,
over 2million people were starved to death in Biafra as the war raged. Children
below the age of five constituted 70% of the dead. [Dan Jacobs: 1987]. This
much and more, Dan Jacobs’ properly researched findings did indicate.
Wole
Soyinka, commenting on the plight of the Igbo in Nigeria, emphatically stated:
“…When
a people have been subjected to a degree of inhuman violation for which there
is no other word but genocide, they have the right to seek an identity apart
from their aggressors.” Soyinka 2006: 101)
Nigeria’s
quest to wipe out the people of Biafra, especially the Igbo, assumed demonic
dimensions. In the sordid, dark, bottomless pit of their hearts, they harboured
only every type of horrible death for Biafrans. As confirmed by a team of
specialists led by Senator Charles Goodell of the U.S and Jean Mayer, a
nutritionist, foods coming into Biafra through Nigeria were laced with poisons—cyanide,
arsenic and other poisons. [Dan Jacobs: 1987]
Since
World War II, humanity has never been subjected to such heinous criminal acts
aimed at the annihilation of an entire race, as that unleashed on the Igbo by
Nigeria.
In
siding with Nigeria to exterminate the Igbo because of the oil wealth lying in
the bowels of the land of Biafra, the British government sold her conscience
and sacrificed morality on the altar of filthy lucre.
Sadly, but true to type, several years after
the Nigeria-Biafra war, General Ibrahim Haruna, the self-confessed slaughterer
of many a thousand Igbo at Asaba, Owerri and Ameke-Item, was still mired in the
sordid depths of crude passion—the base
emotions of brutal aggression devoid of any grain of benevolence. With an
ugly grin of sadistic pleasure pasted fittingly on his objectively unattractive
face; without any grain of compunction, he went to the Oputa Panel for Truth
and Reconciliation, and with much vaunting, vomited his wicked, notorious
pronouncement:
‘As
the commanding officer and leader of the troops that massacred 500 men in
Asaba, I have no apology for those massacred in Asaba, Owerri and Ameke-Item. I
acted as a soldier maintaining the peace and unity of Nigeria…If General Gowon
apologised, he did it in his own capacity. As for me I have no apology.’
Haruna’s
statement above, indeed sums up the mentality and mind-set of so many Nigerians
who have convinced themselves that it is justifiable to eliminate the Igbo in
order to prove their Nigerian-ness, and to maintain the fraudulent decrepit geographical
contraption tagged Nigeria.
There is a preponderance of evidence
attesting to the fact that Nigeria, aided by the British government, committed
genocide against the Igbo. Many of these incontrovertible evidences are there
as confidential/secret reports in British archives, and so many other places
within and without Nigeria’s confines. Nigeria and her agents who dispensed
such savagery on Biafra and her people may live eternally in denial of their
atrocities, but certainly, so would the guilt and consequences of their
horrendous acts forever haunt them. Despite the resolute efforts made by
Nigeria and her backers to conceal the truth about the genocide they perpetrated
against Biafra, the truth shall sure prevail.
No
matter how much the spiritually ignorant and morally bankrupt would struggle to
suppress and submerge the truth, the consequences of their dastardly acts would
ceaselessly haunt and hunt them down.
After
the holocaust in which over 6million Jews were exterminated in gas chambers
throughout Germany, the Jews were relentless in their bitter complaints. In
September 1951, the West German Chancellor, Konrad Adenauer delivered a speech
to the West German parliament, as regards the responsibility of Germany in the
holocaust. He said:
‘…Unspeakable crimes have been committed in
the name of the German people, calling for material and moral indemnity…The
Federal Government is prepared…to bring a solution to the material indemnity
problem, thus easing the way to spiritual settlement of infinite suffering.’
The
government of Germany wisely did not follow the path of denial and
self-justification as Nigeria is doing today. Their leaders knew that
blood-guilt is a grievous sin against the Spirit of Life. From the depths of their hearts, they made
material and spiritual recompenses which spiritually settled the infinite
suffering which would have consequently befallen them as a nation. Today,
Germany is making real progress. But the same cannot be said of Nigeria. Nigeria has indeed been programmed into an
irreversible regressive mode by its British colonial creators, and subsequent
leaders.
Nigeria
must, its crimes confess; conciliate the direly offended, or be utterly
consumed by the same dreadful acts it dispenses.
Copy Right: Chike Nwaka
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